In just four days, Peter Magyar has already taken aim at state media structures, criticised senior institutional figures, and signalled a symbolic break with the past by relocating the prime minister’s office away from Viktor Orbán’s former power base, while the opposition has largely collapsed and the political map has
Veronika Munk
Our weekly series on Hungarian politics continues so we can report on developments after these historic elections and on events around the formation of the Tisza government. This week we cover the following topics:
We may know the final election result on Saturday (18 April). Tisza’s victory has redrawn Hungary’s political map. Péter Magyar has begun settling accounts with Viktor Orbán’s legacy. Orbán is not saying goodbye in the EU.
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Final result excepted on 18 April
Following the polls closing in last Sunday’s election, it was apparent unexpectedly quickly that Tisza would had won a sweeping victory over Fidesz. Shortly after nine o’clock it was already clear that Péter Magyar’s party would obtain a constitutional majority in the Hungarian parliament, and Viktor Orbán also acknowledging his own defeat.
Tisza may still strengthen
However, the official final election result is still not known. At the time of writing, 98.94 percent of the votes had been counted. Since in some constituencies the race between the Tisza and Fidesz candidates remains very tight, the fate of several more parliamentary seats may be decided by Saturday, when the vote count is completed.
At present, Tisza has 137 seats, Fidesz 56, and the extremist Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland) has six seats. A constitutional majority requires at least 133 seats.
At least three mandates still in the balance
The counting of votes cast abroad and of ballots cast by voters who voted outside their home constituency after registering a change of polling station is still under way. There are three constituencies in which the Fidesz candidate’s lead is only a few hundred votes, and it may happen that in these districts the Tisza candidate turns the result around. This is also likely because most voters at foreign representations and the bulk of those who re-registered to vote elsewhere are usually opposition supporters (as past elections have shown). Thus it is not out of the question that Tisza could end up with 140 seats instead of the current 137, while Fidesz could finish with 53 instead of the current 56.
Tisza’s victory has redrawn the political map in Hungary
The claim that Sunday’s election brings not just a change of government but a change of system in Hungary is not merely a Tisza campaign slogan. There are facts indicating that Magyar’s party’s sweeping victory will lead to profound changes in the Hungarian political system.
A new force
Among Tisza’s MPs there is no one who previously held a mandate in either opposition or governing parties. This was a specific requirement when selecting candidates. Tisza’s 137 (or more) MPs are starting with a completely clean slate. Although Magyar himself used to belong to the Fidesz orbit, he had no political function in the party and never stood as a candidate in an election. In other words, it is civilians who have entered parliament on the Tisza list, which most closely resembles the situation in 1990.
Out of the 199 members of parliament, 144 are leaving, as the news site Telex has compiled here. This will cost the Hungarian state 1.35 billion forints (about €3.5m) in severance payments.
Disappearing parties
The existing opposition parties are also disappearing from Hungarian public life. Several of them had already decided during the campaign to withdraw in order not to obstruct the change of system. This was the decision of the Socialist MSZP, which has served multiple times as a governing party, the liberal Momentum and the green LMP. The Democratic Coalition, the party of former prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsány, who retired in 2025, obtained 1.1 percent. Party leader Klára Dobrev has resigned, and the party is likely doomed to dissolution. The Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party received 0.8 percent, meaning it must repay its 686 million forints of campaign funding (it would have had to reach one percent to keep it). The party has launched a fundraising drive to collect the money.
Orban’s party leadership? And two-term limit
It is not yet known whether Orbán’s position as party leader is at risk within Fidesz. One of Magyar’s aims is to enshrine in the constitution a two-term limit for prime ministers. He wants this rule to apply retroactively as well, which would mean that Orbán could no longer serve as prime minister. Unless he were to win again with a constitutional majority and change the constitution.
At the same time, Fidesz still has at least 2.4 million voters, so the party can rely on a strong base in the period ahead.
An important question is what position Mi Hazánk will occupy in future, since there are now two right-wing opposition parties between which a natural rivalry may develop.
Political analyst Péter Tölgyessy said in Tuesday’s edition of Partizán in this interview that in his view a return of Fidesz and Orbán is unlikely, and that the dignified way forward for Orbán would be to give up his parliamentary mandate. According to Tölgyessy, Hungary will need a new opposition that can effectively scrutinise the Tisza government.
During the election campaign, and again in his victory speech, Magyar spoke regularly about restoring pluralist democracy and party competition in Hungary. According to the party’s programme, the electoral law will also be amended. For now, we do not know exactly what form he envisages for this.
Magyar has begun settling accounts with Orbán’s legacy
On Wednesday (15 April), Magyar was for the first time directly confronted with the institutions of Fidesz power. On public TV, he struck a confrontational tone with the presenters, and he likewise did not conceal his criticism of president Tamás Sulyok. True to his earlier promises, he spoke about suspending state-media propaganda and called on the president to step down.
Rebellion at the state news agency
At the public broadcaster, some staff greeted Magyar with applause. At the state news agency MTI, 90 staff members wrote a letter to the management of public media, as reported by HVG. They called on their superiors to stop interfering in their work, which they want to carry out on a professional basis. As HVG pointed out, state news agency’s reports were still being censored on Wednesday: in the report on the interview with Magyar, the name of Antal Rogán, minister of communication was removed.
Maygar rejects Orbán’s luxury office
On Thursday Magyar made another important announcement. After the change of government, the prime minister’s office will not be located in the Carmelite monastery in Buda Castle, where Orbán moved at the end of 2018. Renovation of the building cost the Hungarian budget 21 billion forints, or around €50m, as reported here. According to Magyar, his own office will be in one of the ministry buildings near parliament.
Orbán will not say goodbye face-to-face with the EU
Orbán will not take part in the European Council meeting in Cyprus on 23–24 April, reported Politico. According to János Bóka, the minister for European affairs, the reason for his absence is that he is focusing on the handover of government.
Orbán will not authorise anyone to represent Hungary at the meeting. In the past he has on occasion asked Robert Fico to do so, but this time he will not proceed in that way.
